Anglo Saxon Unit Test Answers


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  • Britain, — [b] By , the Roman provinces in Britain all the territory to the south of Hadrian's Wall were a peripheral part of the Roman Empire , occasionally lost to rebellion or invasion, but until then always eventually recovered. That cycle of loss and recapture collapsed over the next decade. Eventually, around , although Roman power remained a force to be reckoned with for a further three generations across much of Gaul , Britain slipped beyond direct imperial control into a phase which has generally been termed " sub-Roman ". However, evidence from Verulamium suggests that urban-type rebuilding, [6] featuring piped water, was continuing late on in the fifth century, if not beyond.
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  • At Silchester , signs of sub-Roman occupation are found down to around , [7] and at Wroxeter , new baths have been identified as of Roman-type. Also, signs in Gildas' works indicate that the economy was thriving without Roman taxation, as he complains of luxuria and self-indulgence. In the mid fifth century, Anglo-Saxons begin to appear in an apparently still functionally Romanised Britain. Assigning ethnic labels such as "Anglo-Saxon" is fraught with difficulties and the term only began to be used in the eighth century to distinguish "Germanic" groups in Britain from those on the continent Old Saxony in present-day Northern Germany. In the chronicle, Britain is grouped with four other Roman territories which came under 'Germanic' dominion around the same time, the list being intended as an explanation of the end of the Roman empire in the west.
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  • Each nation was so prolific that it sent large numbers of individuals every year to the Franks, who planted them in unpopulated regions of its territory. Michael Jones, a historian at Bates College in New England, says that "Procopius himself, however, betrays doubts about this specific passage, and subsequent details in the chapter undermine its credibility as a clue to sixth-century population in Britain. Anglo-Saxon kingdom's names are coloured red. Britonnic kingdoms' names are coloured black. In Gildas ' work of the sixth century perhaps — , De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae , a religious tract on the state of Britain, the Saxons were enemies originally from overseas, who brought well-deserved judgement upon the local kings or 'tyrants'.
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  • Peace led to luxuria and self-indulgence. A renewed attack was threatened by the Picts and Scoti, and this led to a council, where it was proposed and agreed that land in the east would be given to the Saxons on the basis of a treaty, a foedus, by which the Saxons would defend the Britons in exchange for food supplies. This type of arrangement was unexceptional in a Late Roman context; Franks had been settled as foederati on imperial territory in northern Gaul Toxandria in the fourth century, and the Visigoths were settled in Gallia Aquitania early in the fifth century. The Saxon foederati first complained that their monthly supplies were inadequate. Then they threatened to break the treaty, which they did, spreading the onslaught "from sea to sea". This war, which Higham called the "War of the Saxon Federates", ended some 20—30 years later, shortly after the siege at Mons Badonicus , and some 40 years before Gildas was born.
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  • The "divorce settlement", Higham in particular has argued, was a worse treaty from the British viewpoint. This included the payment of tribute to the people in the east i. This kind of treaty had been used elsewhere to bring people into the Roman Empire to move along the roads or rivers and work alongside the army. Gildas' use of the word patria, [f] [20] when used in relation to the Saxons and Picts, gave the impression that some Saxons could by then be regarded as native to Britannia. Ethnicity and language were not his issue; he was concerned with the leaders' faith and actions. The historical details are, as Snyder had it: "by-products from his recounting of royal-sins". He used apocalyptic language: for example the Saxons were "villains", "enemies", led by a Devil-father.
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  • Yet, Gildas had lived through, in his own words, an age of "external peace", and it is this peace that brought with it the tyrannis—"unjust rule". Gildas' remarks reflected his continuing concern regarding the vulnerability of his countrymen and their disregard and in-fighting: for example, "it was always true of this people as it is now that it was weak in beating off the weapons of the enemy, but strong in putting up with civil war and the burden of sin.
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  • Gildas, in discussing the holy shrines, mentioned that the spiritual life of Britain had suffered, because of the partition divortium , of the country, which was preventing the citizens cives from worshipping at the shrines of the martyrs. Control had been ceded to the Saxons, even control of access to such shrines. The church was now 'tributary', her sons had 'embraced dung' and the nobility had lost their authority to govern.
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  • Oath breaking and the absence of just judgements for ordinary people were mentioned a number of times. British leadership, everywhere, was immoral and the cause of the "ruin of Britain". Jutland , the penninsula containing part of Denmark, was the homeland of the Jutes. Bede seems to identify three phases of settlement: an exploration phase, when mercenaries came to protect the resident population; a migration phase, which was substantial, as implied by the statement that Anglus was deserted; and an establishment phase, in which Anglo-Saxons started to control areas, implied in Bede's statement about the origins of the tribes. The concept of Bretwalda originates in Bede's comment on who held the Imperium of Britain. Whether such an institution existed is uncertain, but Simon Keynes argues that the idea is not an invented concept. Whether the majority were early settlers, descendant from settlers, or especially after the exploration stage, were Roman-British leaders who adopted Anglo-Saxon culture, is unclear, but the balance of opinion is that most were migrants.
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  • Notable gaps include: no-one from the East or West Midlands is represented in the list of Bretwaldas, and some uncertainty about the dates of these leaders. Bede's view of Britons is partly responsible for the picture of them as the downtrodden subjects of Anglo-Saxon oppression. This has been used by some linguists and archaeologists to produce invasion and settlement theories involving genocide, forced migration and enslavement. Windy McKinney notes that "Bede focused on this point and extended Gildas' vision by portraying the pagan Anglo-Saxons not as God's scourge against the reprobate Britons, but rather as the agents of Britain's redemption.
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  • Therefore, the ghastly scenario that Gildas feared is calmly explained away by Bede; any rough treatment was necessary, and ordained by God, because the Britons had lost God's favour, and incurred his wrath. Therefore, it is a moot point whether all of those whom Bede encompassed under the term Angli were racially Germanic". The inclusion of the 'Elmet-dwellers' suggests to Simon Keynes that the Tribal Hideage was compiled in the early s, during the reign of King Wulfhere, since Elmet seems to have reverted thereafter to Northumbrian control. A hide was an amount of land sufficient to support a household. The list of tribes is headed by Mercia and consists almost exclusively of peoples who lived south of the Humber estuary and territories that surrounded the Mercian kingdom, some of which have never been satisfactorily identified by scholars. The document is problematic, but extremely important for historians, as it provides a glimpse into the relationship between people, land, and the tribes and groups into which they had organised themselves.
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  • The individual units in the list developed from the settlement areas of tribal groups, some of which are as little as hides. The names are difficult to locate: places such as East wixna and Sweord ora. What it reveals is that micro-identity of tribe and family is important from the start. The list is evidence for more complex settlement than the single political entity of the other historical sources. The chronicle is a collection of annals that were still being updated in some cases more than years after the events they describe. They contain various entries that seem to add to the breadth of the historical evidence and provide good evidence for a migration, the Anglo-Saxon elites, and various significant historical events.
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  • The earliest events described in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle were transcribed centuries after they had occurred. Barbara Yorke , Patrick Sims-Williams, and David Dumville , among others, have highlighted how a number of features of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the fifth and early sixth centuries clearly contradict the idea that they contain a reliable year-by-year record. As Dumville points out about the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: "medieval historiography has assumptions different from our own, particularly in terms of distinctions between fiction and non-fiction".
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  • Area I, where Celtic names are rare and confined to large and medium-sized rivers, shows English-language dominance to c. The modern consensus is that the spread of English can be explained by a minority of Germanic-speaking immigrants becoming politically and socially dominant, in a context where Latin had lost its usefulness and prestige due to the collapse of the Roman economy and administration.
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  • The evidence[ edit ] Map of place-names between the Firth of Forth and the River Tees : in green, names likely containing Brittonic elements; in red and orange, names likely containing the Old English elements -ham and -ingaham respectively. Brittonic names lie mostly to the north of the Lammermuir and Moorfoot Hills. However, by the eighth century, when extensive evidence for the post-Roman language situation is next available, it is clear that the dominant language in what is now eastern and southern England was Old English , whose West Germanic predecessors were spoken in what is now the Netherlands and northern Germany. This development is strikingly different from, for example, post-Roman Gaul, Iberia, or North Africa, where Germanic-speaking invaders gradually switched to local languages.
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  • In recent decades, a few specialists have continued to support this interpretation, [49] [50] [51] and Peter Schrijver has said that 'to a large extent, it is linguistics that is responsible for thinking in terms of drastic scenarios' about demographic change in late Roman Britain. This account, which demands only small numbers of politically dominant Germanic-speaking migrants to Britain, has become 'the standard explanation' for the gradual death of Celtic and spoken Latin in post-Roman Britain.
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  • Scholars have stressed that Welsh and Cornish place-names from the Roman period seem no more likely to survive than English ones: 'clearly name loss was a Romano-British phenomenon, not just one associated with Anglo-Saxon incomers'. Thus a recent synthesis concludes that 'the evidence for Celtic influence on Old English is somewhat sparse, which only means that it remains elusive, not that it did not exist'. An idiosyncratic view that has won extensive popular attention is Stephen Oppenheimer's suggestion that the lack of Celtic influence on English is because the ancestor of English was already widely spoken in Britain by the Belgae before the end of the Roman period. An Anglo-Saxon elite could be formed in two ways: from an incoming chieftain and his war band from northern Germania taking over an area of Britain, or through a native British chieftain and his war band adopting Anglo-Saxon culture and language.
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  • Guarding against considering one aspect of archaeology in isolation, this concept ensures that different topics are considered together, that previously were considered separately, including gender, age, ethnicity, religion and status. This is changing, with new works of synthesis and chronology, in particular the work of Catherine Hills and Sam Lucy on the evidence of Spong Hill, which has opened up the possible synthesis with continental material culture and has moved the chronology for the settlement earlier than AD , with a significant number of items now in phases before this historically set date. The collapse of Roman material culture some time in the early 5th century left a gap in the archaeological record that was quite rapidly filled by the intrusive Anglo-Saxon material culture, while the native culture became archaeologically close to invisible—although recent hoards and metal-detector finds show that coin use and imports did not stop abruptly at AD Andrew Pearson suggests that the "Saxon Shore Forts" and other coastal installations played a more significant economic and logistical role than is often appreciated, and that the tradition of Saxon and other continental piracy, based on the name of these forts, is probably a myth.
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  • There was a large gap between richest and poorest; the trappings of the latter have been the focus of less archaeological study. However the archaeology of the peasant from the 4th and 5th centuries is dominated by "ladder" field systems or enclosures, associated with extended families, and in the South and East of England the extensive use of timber-built buildings and farmsteads shows a lower level of engagement with Roman building methods than is shown by the houses of the numerically much smaller elite. The distribution of the earliest Anglo-Saxon sites and place names in close proximity to Roman settlements and roads has been interpreted as showing that initial Anglo-Saxon settlements were being controlled by the Romano-British.
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  • The broader archaeological picture suggests that no one model will explain all the Anglo-Saxon settlements in Britain and that there was considerable regional variation. Norfolk has more large Anglo-Saxon cemeteries than the neighbouring East Anglian county of Suffolk; eastern Yorkshire the nucleus of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Deira far more than the rest of Northumbria. Some were indeed warriors who were buried equipped with their weapons, but we should not assume that all of these were invited guests who were to guard Romano-British communities. Possibly some, like the later Viking settlers , may have begun as piratical raiders who later seized land and made permanent settlements.
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  • Other settlers seem to have been much humbler people who had few if any weapons and suffered from malnutrition. These were characterised by Sonia Chadwick Hawkes as Germanic 'boat people', refugees from crowded settlements on the North Sea which deteriorating climatic conditions would have made untenable. Beyond these, in the early Anglo-Saxon period, identity was local: although people would have known their neighbours, it may have been important to indicate tribal loyalty with details of clothing and especially fasteners.
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  • It is this identity that archaeological evidence seeks to understand and determine, considering how it might support separate identity groups, or identities that were inter-connected. Twenty-eight urned and two unurned cremations dating from between the 5th and 6th centuries, and 34 inhumations, dating from between the late 5th and early 7th centuries, were uncovered. Both cremations and inhumations were provided with pyre or grave goods, and some of the burials were richly furnished. The excavation found evidence for a mixture of practices and symbolic clothing; these reflected local differences that appeared to be associated with tribal or family loyalty.
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  • This use of clothing in particular was very symbolic, and distinct differences within groups in the cemetery could be found. Ancient monuments were one of the most important factors determining the placing of the dead in the early Anglo-Saxon landscape. Anglo-Saxon secondary activity on prehistoric and Roman sites was traditionally explained in practical terms. These explanations, in the view of Howard Williams, failed to account for the numbers and types of monuments and graves from villas to barrows reused. Prehistoric barrows, in particular, have been seen as physical expressions of land claims and links to the ancestors, and John Shephard has extended this interpretation to Anglo-Saxon tumuli.
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  • By the late 4th century the English rural landscape was largely cleared and generally occupied by dispersed farms and hamlets, each surrounded by its own fields but often sharing other resources in common called "infield-outfield cultivation". Such stability was reversed within a few decades of the 5th century, as early "Anglo-Saxon" farmers, affected both by the collapse of Roman Britain and a climatic deterioration which reached its peak probably around , concentrated on subsistence, converting to pasture large areas of previously ploughed land.
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  • However, there is little evidence of abandoned arable land. Evidence across southern and central England increasingly shows the persistence of prehistoric and Roman field layouts into and, in some cases throughout, the Anglo-Saxon period, whether or not such fields were continuously ploughed. Landscapes at Yarnton, Oxfordshire, and Mucking, Essex, remained unchanged throughout the 5th century, while at Barton Court, Oxfordshire, the 'grid of ditched paddocks or closes' of a Roman villa estate formed a general framework for the Anglo-Saxon settlement there. Together these reveal that kinship ties and social relations were continuous across the 5th and 6th centuries, with no evidence of the uniformity or destruction, imposed by lords, the savage action of invaders or system collapse.
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  • It has been argued that Bede misinterpreted his scanty sources and that the chronological references in the Historia Britonnum yield a plausible date of around The Saxons went back to "their eastern home". Gildas calls the peace a "grievous divorce with the barbarians". The price of peace, Higham argues, was a better treaty for the Saxons, giving them the ability to receive tribute from people across the lowlands of Britain. In particular, the work of Catherine Hills and Sam Lucy on the evidence of Spong Hill has moved the chronology for the settlement earlier than , with a significant number of items now in phases before Bede's date. The most developed vision of a continuation in sub-Roman Britain, with control over its own political and military destiny for well over a century, is that of Kenneth Dark, [31] who suggests that the sub-Roman elite survived in culture, politics and military power up to c.
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  • A computer simulation showed that a migration of , people from mainland Europe could have been accomplished in as little as 38 years. By around , communities of Anglo-Saxons were established in southern and eastern Britain. The traditional explanation for their archaeological and linguistic invisibility [41] is that the Anglo-Saxons either killed them or drove them to the mountainous fringes of Britain, a view broadly supported by the few available sources from the period. However, there is evidence of continuity in the systems of landscape and local governance, [42] decreasing the likelihood of such a cataclysmic event, at least in parts of England.
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  • Thus, scholars have suggested other, less violent explanations by which the culture of the Anglo-Saxons, whose core area of large-scale settlement was likely restricted to what is now southeastern England , East Anglia and Lincolnshire , [43] [44] [45] [46] could have come to be ubiquitous across lowland Britain. Higham points out that "in circumstances where freedom at law, acceptance with the kindred, access to patronage, and the use and possession of weapons were all exclusive to those who could claim Germanic descent, then speaking Old English without Latin or Brittonic inflection had considerable value.
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  • This may indicate that Cerdic was a native Briton and that his dynasty became anglicised over time. In the last half of the 6th century, four structures contributed to the development of society; they were the position and freedoms of the ceorl, the smaller tribal areas coalescing into larger kingdoms, the elite developing from warriors to kings, and Irish monasticism developing under Finnian who had consulted Gildas and his pupil Columba.
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  • The Anglo-Saxon farms of this period are often falsely supposed to be "peasant farms". However, a ceorl , who was the lowest ranking freeman in early Anglo-Saxon society, was not a peasant but an arms-owning male with the support of a kindred, access to law and the wergild ; situated at the apex of an extended household working at least one hide of land. Several of these kingdoms may have had as their initial focus a territory based on a former Roman civitas. The Bretwalda concept is taken as evidence of a number of early Anglo-Saxon elite families. Ostensibly "Anglo-Saxon" dynasties variously replaced one another in this role in a discontinuous but influential and potent roll call of warrior elites. As Helen Geake points out, "they all just happened to be related back to Woden". There was Shield Sheafson, scourge of many tribes, A wrecker of mead-benches, rampaging among foes.
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